Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent visit to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur, where he paid homage to RSS founder Dr. K.B. Hedgewar and its second Sarsanghchalak, Madhav Sadashiv Golwalkar, has garnered significant attention. This highly publicized trip has been interpreted by many as an effort to bolster his stature within the RSS combine. Another speculation is that, as Modi turns 75 this September, he may be expected to retire, in line with BJP norms.
Several factors have contributed to the perception of strained relations between the "father" (RSS) and "son" (BJP). Ahead of the 2024 General Elections, BJP President J.P. Nadda declared that the BJP could now operate independently, without RSS support. This marked a shift from earlier times when the BJP relied heavily on the RSS for electoral mobilization.
Additionally, Modi's assertion that he is "non-biological" and directly sent by God to fulfill a divine mission was seen by RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat as a sign of inflated ego. Bhagwat remarked that some individuals begin to see themselves as superior beings (Devs) and even declare themselves as gods.
The BJP's performance in the Lok Sabha elections saw a decline, with speculation that the RSS did not fully mobilize its resources during the campaign. However, the RSS quickly rallied for the Maharashtra and Haryana elections. Historically, the RSS has consistently supported the BJP, barring 1984, when it viewed the Khalistani movement as a threat to Indian unity.
The RSS serves as the core planner, coordinating its multiple organizations through the Rashtriya Pratinidhi Sabha (National Representatives Committee). These organizations propagate RSS ideology, glorify past values (such as those in Manusmriti), and spread animosity toward Muslims and Christians, labeling them as followers of "foreign" religions. During elections, these groups work tirelessly to ensure BJP victories. The formation of the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) with Hindu Mahasabha leader Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, and its eventual takeover by the RSS after Mukherjee's demise, gave the RSS a full-fledged political arm. The division of labor between the RSS, BJP, and other affiliated organizations is well-defined.
A notable example of this collaboration was the Ram Temple movement in the 1980s, initiated by the VHP and later adopted by the BJP as a national political agenda. The RSS raises issues related to past glories and falsified histories to promote its ideology, often targeting religious minorities and marginalized groups, including Dalits, Adivasis, and women. Its strength lies in its extensive grassroots reach through shakhas (branches) and community programs.
While Indian society transitioned from feudal and colonial systems to a democratic framework, the RSS has cleverly perpetuated caste and gender hierarchies through its shakhas. This effort is supplemented by initiatives like Ekal Vidyalayas, Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Seva Bharati, and Rashtra Sevika Samiti.
With the BJP in power at both state and central levels, RSS infiltration into civic and political structures has intensified. Beyond shakhas, the RSS now plans to establish community groups for women, children, and the elderly to further its ideological influence. Recently, a Muslim woman in my area was discouraged from joining an RSS-organized picnic, being told she would feel uncomfortable with the discussions and activities. Women attending Rashtra Sevika Samiti's morning shakhas are often seen walking with lathis (batons).
Over the past decade, the BJP government has implemented the RSS's Hindu nationalist agenda, including the Ram Temple construction, the abrogation of Article 370, the criminalization of triple talaq, and the NRC. Discussions on the Waqf Board are already underway in Parliament. While there may be strategic differences between the RSS and BJP, their ultimate goal of establishing a Hindu nation remains aligned.
Modi's tribute to Hedgewar and Golwalkar highlights the path they envisioned—one that distances itself from the inclusive nationalism of India's freedom movement, which emphasized liberty, equality, and fraternity. While the RSS publicly disowns Golwalkar's "Threats to Hindu Nation: Muslims, Christians, and Communists," its policies continue to reflect these views. Recent examples include the downgrading of Eid from a gazetted holiday to an optional one in some states, opposition to offering namaz on roads, and police attacks on worshippers. In some cases, even offering namaz on private terraces has been restricted.
Christians face similar challenges. In Odisha's Balasore district, Adivasi Christians have been threatened with village boycotts by the Sarna Majhi tribal outfit, which falsely claims that Adivasi Christians have no burial rights under Article 13(3)(A) of the Indian Constitution, as reported in a fact-finding investigation.
Modi has repeatedly claimed that India is becoming "Viksit" (developed) under the inspiration of RSS ideology. However, international indices on happiness, religious freedom, press freedom, democracy, and hunger tell a different story, with India witnessing a sharp decline. For Modi and his ideology, "vikas" seems to mean the enrichment of a select few who exploit legal loopholes to amass wealth or flee the country with plundered funds.
So, how do Modi's words align with his actions? His Nagpur visit had clear political objectives, and his statements appeared more performative than substantive, aimed at electoral gains.
---
Comments