One of those who faced incarceration both under Congress and BJP rule, Sudhir Dhawale was arrested on June 6, 2018, one of the first six among the 16 people held in what became known as the Elgar Parishad case. After spending 2,424 days in incarceration, he became the ninth to be released from jail—alongside Rona Wilson, who walked free with him on January 24. The Bombay High Court granted them bail, citing the prolonged imprisonment without trial as a key factor.
I will always remember the moments we spent together in Mumbai between 1998 and 2006, during public meetings and protests across a wide range of issues. Sudhir was unwavering in his commitment to Maoism, upholding the torch of B.R. Ambedkar, and resisting Brahmanical fascism. He sought to bridge the philosophies of Marxism and Ambedkarism. With boundless energy, he waved the banner of liberation, becoming the backbone of the revolutionary democratic centre in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He dedicated himself to studying Marxist and Ambedkarite thought and had deep faith in the Maoist movement of Dandakaranya.
Dhawale gave a series of insightful interviews to Sukanya Shanta in The Wire, Tabassum Barnagarwala in Scroll, and Shahid Tantray in The Caravan. These are compelling reads for any democrat, revealing how prison can both crush and rekindle revolutionary spirit, and how the seeds of neo-fascism continue to grow. His courage and determination within prison walls were nothing short of death-defying.
A prominent democratic activist and writer, and editor of the anti-caste magazine Vidrohi, Dhawale had never composed poetry before. Following Father Stan Swamy’s death, he began writing prolifically, producing over a hundred poems on issues that affected him, on politics that resonated with him in prison—on Modi, on the "Manuwaadi" government, and on society’s indifference to a democracy in decline.
Born in Nagpur, Dhawale helped knit together numerous organisations including the Republican Panthers Jatiantachi Chalwal, Radical Ambedkar, and the Ramabai Nagar-Khairlanji Hatyakand Virodhi Sangharsh Samiti.
The Elgar Parishad case was not his first encounter with state repression. In 2011, under the Congress-led UPA government, he was charged under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act and spent over 40 months in jail before being acquitted in May 2014—just days after the BJP-led NDA came to power. In a powerful judgment, Special Sessions Court Judge R.G. Asmar dismissed the case as concocted, stating: “How can highlighting the wrongs in society and calling for change be seen as terrorist activity?”
After experiencing incarceration under both Congress and BJP regimes, Dhawale observed little difference between the two. “They have both stifled dissent,” he noted. Under Congress, cases were fabricated and pursued through lengthy trials; under BJP, evidence was planted, leaving accused individuals to defend themselves against falsehoods.
His arrest in 2018 coincided with deeply personal and national upheavals. While in Pune police custody, his friend Shahir Shantanu Kamble passed away. This was followed by the revocation of Article 370, the pandemic, the death of his friend and actor Vira Sathidar, the Delhi riots, anti-CAA/NRC protests, Father Stan Swamy’s death, and more recently, the death of Professor G.N. Saibaba. In response to each event, Dhawale wrote extensively.
When the Supreme Court ruled on a caste-in-prisons petition filed by this author, Dhawale responded with a soul-searching poem. Two of his books were published while he was still behind bars, and several more—possibly controversial—are ready to be released.
His bail came only after relentless legal battle. The Bombay High Court admitted that there had been an “inordinate delay” in starting the trial. The NIA had yet to frame charges, and with over 300 witnesses and multiple charge sheets, the court granted bail to both Dhawale and Wilson.
Although cautious not to question the legal case in detail, Dhawale is clear about the state’s attempt to silence him. “It might seem the state won by putting us behind bars, but the struggle continues. The common man is resisting, and we tried to keep that spirit alive.”
To me, Dhawale’s journey inside prison embodies a resurrection from the grave—proof that revolutionary spirit not only survives incarceration but often grows more intense and creative.
Dhawale was a key organiser of the Elgar Parishad event on December 31, 2017, held at Shaniwarwada in Pune—a location symbolically tied to Brahminical rule. The BJP-led Maharashtra government blamed this event for triggering the Bhima Koregaon riots, despite eyewitnesses pointing to right-wing leaders Manohar Bhide and Milind Ekbote as the instigators. Further accusations followed, including charges of funding Maoists and plotting the assassination of Prime Minister Modi—none of which have been proven to this day.
When asked whether his arrest was due to his Marxist or Ambedkarite identity, Dhawale responded, “I follow Marx, but I’m also an Ambedkarite. I see Ambedkarism as radical politics. At a time when the BJP and RSS try to co-opt Ambedkar, I present my views without fear.”
The COVID-19 pandemic was among the most harrowing periods of his prison life. News of the pandemic came through a shared television in each jail circle. Prisoners were told to wash their hands frequently, even though they were allotted just a single bucket of water for all needs. Overcrowding was rampant—barracks built for 23 often housed 60–70 prisoners.
Dhawale continued his activism even within jail. After refusing to remove his footwear for the superintendent, he was labelled a “difficult prisoner” and transferred to the dreaded “anda cell” in Taloja. He filed RTIs and complaints against this treatment. He spent 23 months in solitary confinement. Others who questioned the authorities or approached courts faced similar punishments.
The anda cell at Taloja—India’s only two-storey complex for solitary confinement—is a brutal environment. Those on the ground floor had some space to move, but those on the upper floor were denied sunlight and fresh air completely. The design seemed intended to break one’s spirit.
Jail communications were tightly monitored. Letters to and from Elgar Parishad prisoners were routed through the Anti-Naxal Operations (ANO) cell in Nagpur. Dhawale’s complaint to the State Human Rights Commission, written in Marathi, was dismissed. His co-accused Arun Ferreira’s similar complaint was accepted, and the state was directed to compensate him Rs 2 lakh for rights violations.
Even after his release, Dhawale remains committed to his work. “The work didn’t stop. My team carried on outside, and I continued writing in jail. The struggle continues.”
These accounts expose the colonial vestiges that remain in India’s prison system, laced with fascist overtones that erode constitutional norms.
In my opinion, however, Dhawale has yet to recognise that Ambedkarism lacks the revolutionary edge of Marxism. Many revolutionaries today are misled by Ambedkar’s reformist outlook and his criticism of Marxism—particularly regarding agrarian and workers’ struggles.
Dhawale also hasn't addressed the glaring weakness in the absence of a unified democratic rights movement capable of confronting the neo-fascist threat effectively.
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Harsh Thakor is a freelance journalist who personally knows Sudhir Dhawale and has met him during various protests and public meetings
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