Skip to main content

The 'omitted' reality of India's Transgenders: Where does justice lie for those whom the law neglects?

By Gajanan Khergamker*
In the corridors of justice, the essence of the law frequently clashes with its literal interpretation, particularly when such interpretation undergoes significant transformation. The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (Indian Justice Code), which came into effect in July 2024, signifies a considerable transition by abolishing Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code. Once regarded as an archaic provision that criminalised same-sex relations, Section 377 evolved over time, through judicial interpretation, into a protective mechanism for individuals on the fringes of society.
The Supreme Court of India, in 2018, ruled Section 377 unconstitutional in cases involving consensual same-sex relationships. This landmark decision marked a vital step toward inclusivity, reflecting India’s acknowledgment of the fundamental rights of the LGBTQ+ community. However, the provision was not entirely eliminated; it continued to serve as an important instrument against sexual violence affecting Trans individuals and male victims, acting as a potent, albeit often unrecognised, safeguard.
With the total removal of Section 377 in the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, this essential protective measure has been obliterated, further complicating the already fraught relationship between the trans community and the justice system, while raising crucial questions about the motivations behind such sweeping legal changes.
Under the new code, India’s legal definition of rape has been constricted to apply exclusively to offences involving male offenders and female victims, mirroring the previously repealed Section 375 of the Indian Penal Code. This limited perspective fails to address the harsh realities encountered by trans individuals, who continue to face severe threats of sexual violence. For numerous survivors within the trans community, Section 377 was their sole legal avenue, particularly in a society that often overlooks their trauma—an oversight alarmingly perpetuated by those assigned to protect them.
In its absence, trans victims of sexual assault are relegated to categories such as “grievous hurt,” effectively diminishing the seriousness of their experiences in the eyes of the law, which lessens the punishments for offenders and hampers vital progress towards dignity and respect.
Transgender individuals, officially acknowledged as a “third gender” in 2014, found a glimmer of hope in the Transgender Persons (Protection of Rights) Act, 2019. However, this law appeared more symbolic than substantial, prescribing a mere two-year prison term for offences against Trans individuals—a penalty far less severe than that for analogous offences against cisgender women. 
It was Section 377 that, to some extent, allowed the trans community to pursue justice with greater weight, albeit reluctantly provided and seldom achieved.
The removal of Section 377 also signifies a shift away from inclusive language that recognised the varied victims of sexual crimes. Take, for instance, the case of a Trans woman assaulted in Mumbai’s Bhiwandi, Maharashtra, last year. The police invoked Section 377, treating the crime with the seriousness it warranted. Similar instances have been addressed under Section 377, providing protection to individuals whose suffering might otherwise be neglected and whose trauma had, until recently, been accorded a measure of validity by a legal framework slowly progressing beyond binary definitions.
Today, activists articulate the frustrations of a community left isolated in their quest for justice. Vulnerable to discrimination and disbelief, many Trans individuals encounter ridicule or dismissal when approaching law enforcement, their appeals often trivialised by societal prejudices. According to the National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB), Trans individuals constituted only 0.006 percent of all recorded victims in 2020—a figure so minuscule that it highlights systemic indifference. This statistic does not indicate a lack of violence but rather an institutional failure to acknowledge, document, and address it.
With the elimination of Section 377, the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita appears to convey a position that jeopardises the fragile support once extended to the Trans community. A restructured legal framework that overlooks the specific needs of this community undermines their access to legal recourse and representation. Lawmakers may advocate for a more streamlined criminal code, yet this omission raises significant concerns about their sensitivity to the lived realities of marginalised groups. To erase without adequate replacement, to redefine without considering those most affected, is to dilute the very essence of justice for all.
This legal transformation leaves the Trans community grappling with uncertainty, navigating a justice system seemingly determined to overlook their distinct challenges. Their struggle for dignity, equality, and safety remains ever relevant. Yet, as the ink dries on the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, one cannot help but ponder: In an India that professes freedom, where does justice lie for those whom the law neglects? The struggle, it appears, persists—resonating through courtrooms, murmured in police stations, and reverberating through communities where justice remains a fleeting aspiration.
---
*Founder Editor of The Draft. A version of this article first appeared here 

Comments

TRENDING

Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan raises concerns over Jharkhand Adivasis' plight in Assam, BJP policies

By Our Representative  The Loktantra Bachao Abhiyan (Save Democracy Campaign) has issued a pressing call to protect Adivasi rights in Jharkhand, highlighting serious concerns over the treatment of Jharkhandi Adivasis in Assam. During a press conference in Ranchi on November 9, representatives from Assam, Chhattisgarh, and Madhya Pradesh criticized the current approach of BJP-led governments in these states, arguing it has exacerbated Adivasi struggles for rights, land, and cultural preservation.

Promoting love or instilling hate and fear: Why is RSS seeking a meeting with Rahul Gandhi?

By Ram Puniyani*  India's anti-colonial struggle was marked by a diverse range of social movements, one of the most significant being Hindu-Muslim unity and the emergence of a unified Indian identity among people of all religions. The nationalist, anti-colonial movement championed this unity, best embodied by Mahatma Gandhi, who ultimately gave his life for this cause. Gandhi once wrote, “The union that we want is not a patched-up thing but a union of hearts... Swaraj (self-rule) for India must be an impossible dream without an indissoluble union between the Hindus and Muslims of India. It must not be a mere truce... It must be a partnership between equals, each respecting the religion of the other.”

Right-arm fast bowler who helped West Indies shape arguably greatest Test team in cricket history

By Harsh Thakor*  Malcolm Marshall redefined what it meant to be a right-arm fast bowler, challenging the traditional laws of biomechanics with his unique skill. As we remember his 25th death anniversary on November 4th, we reflect on the legacy he left behind after his untimely death from colon cancer. For a significant part of his career, Marshall was considered one of the fastest and most formidable bowlers in the world, helping to shape the West Indies into arguably the greatest Test team in cricket history.

Swami Vivekananda's views on caste and sexuality were 'painfully' regressive

By Bhaskar Sur* Swami Vivekananda now belongs more to the modern Hindu mythology than reality. It makes a daunting job to discover the real human being who knew unemployment, humiliation of losing a teaching job for 'incompetence', longed in vain for the bliss of a happy conjugal life only to suffer the consequent frustration.

A Hindu alternative to Valentine's Day? 'Shiv-Parvati was first love marriage in Universe'

By Rajiv Shah  The other day, I was searching on Google a quote on Maha Shivratri which I wanted to send to someone, a confirmed Shiv Bhakt, quite close to me -- with an underlying message to act positively instead of being negative. On top of the search, I chanced upon an article in, imagine!, a Nashik Corporation site which offered me something very unusual. 

Andhra team joins Gandhians to protest against 'bulldozer action' in Varanasi

By Rosamma Thomas*  November 1 marked the 52nd day of the 100-day relay fast at the satyagraha site of Rajghat in Varanasi, seeking the restoration of the 12 acres of land to the Sarva Seva Sangh, the Gandhian organization that was evicted from the banks of the river. Twelve buildings were demolished as the site was abruptly taken over by the government after “bulldozer” action in August 2023, even as the matter was pending in court.  

Will Bangladesh go Egypt way, where military ruler is in power for a decade?

By Vijay Prashad*  The day after former Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina left Dhaka, I was on the phone with a friend who had spent some time on the streets that day. He told me about the atmosphere in Dhaka, how people with little previous political experience had joined in the large protests alongside the students—who seemed to be leading the agitation. I asked him about the political infrastructure of the students and about their political orientation. He said that the protests seemed well-organized and that the students had escalated their demands from an end to certain quotas for government jobs to an end to the government of Sheikh Hasina. Even hours before she left the country, it did not seem that this would be the outcome.

Will Left victory in Sri Lanka deliver economic sovereignty plan, go beyond 'tired' IMF agenda?

By Atul Chandra, Vijay Prashad*  On September 22, 2024, the Sri Lankan election authority announced that Anura Kumara Dissanayake of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) alliance won the presidential election. Dissanayake, who has been the leader of the left-wing JVP since 2014, defeated 37 other candidates, including the incumbent president Ranil Wickremesinghe of the United National Party (UNP) and his closest challenger Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya. 

Green Revolution’s reliance on chemical fertilizers, pesticides contributing to Punjab's health crisis

By Bharat Dogra, Jagmohan Singh*  Punjab was once synonymous with robust health, particularly in its rural areas, where farmers were known for their strength and vitality. However, in recent years, reports from these villages tell a different story, with rising cases of serious health issues, including cancer. What led to this decline? The answer lies largely in the erosion of good nutrition, once a hallmark of Punjabi village life. The health of a population is closely tied to its nutrition, and Punjab's reputation as a provider of high-quality nutrition has suffered greatly. The loss of biodiversity in agriculture has led to a decrease in the variety and quality of crops, resulting in poorer nutrition. Pulses, a key source of protein, have seen a steep decline in cultivation due to the disruption of traditional farming practices by the Green Revolution. This has had a detrimental effect on both soil and human health. Although pulses are still available in the market, they are exp

Tributes paid to pioneer of Naxalism in Punjab, who 'dodged' police for 60 yrs

By Harsh Thakor*  Jagjit Singh Sohal, known as Comrade Sharma, a pioneer of Naxalism in Punjab, passed away on October 20 at the age of 96. Committed to the Naxalite cause and a prominent Maoist leader, Sohal, who succeeded Charu Majumdar, played hide and seek with the police for almost six decades. He was cremated in Patiala.