Even as congratulating the student-led mass uprising against Sheikh Hasina’s "dictatorial regime" in Bangladesh, calling it a significant development "for all South Asian countries", the civil society network National Alliance of People’s Movement (NAPM) has insisted that "new government must ensure creation of a just and equitable socio-economic order, informed by principles of inclusion, democratic participation and ecological equity."
Also "strongly" condemning the attack on minorities in Bangladesh and calling upon the new government to prevent communal violence, it said, the government must "fix accountability for crimes against minorities". At the same time, it added, "Vicious communal propaganda by right-wing Indian media and saffron forces to instigate violence and vilify the popular uprising is condemnable."
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India’s close neighbour, Bangladesh recently witnessed a historic political uprising and transition. National Alliance of People’s Movements (NAPM) congratulates the people of the country, in particular the valiant students-led mass uprising that challenged the oppressive and autocratic regime of Sheikh Hasina. This important moment of ‘victory’ has partly been tarnished by violence against minorities, including Hindus in different parts of Bangladesh. NAPM feels that the regime-change certainly holds hope for a new socio-economic order, provided the enormous task of building a democratic, inclusive and egalitarian Bangladesh begins in right earnest. The events that unfolded in Bangladesh have significance for democratic movements across South Asia and beyond.
The latest round of protests and people’s revolt, popularly called the ‘anti-discrimination movement’ that resulted in the ouster of Sheikh Hasina’s regime on 7th August, 2024 and formation of a new interim government, needs to be seen in the context of continued democratic repression, increasing unemployment, and government policies with complete disregard for the ordinary people. It is tragic and very unfortunate that about 650 people including members of minority communities, protesters, civilians, journalists and security personnel were killed between July and August, as per a preliminary report of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Office. We deeply mourn the loss of life and limb during this uprising and convey our condolences to the families of all the deceased.
Several hundreds more have been injured, as the Awami League regime let loose the police, rapid action battalion (RAB) forces, border security forces and even goons of Bangladesh Chhatro League (BCL), on the protesting students and people, across districts. Even as we stand firmly in solidarity with the student's demands and the popular uprising, we condemn the violence unleashed, in particular against minority communities. We hope that the interim government formed with Prof. Muhammad MYunus, as the Chief Advisor, will prevent attacks on ethnic and religious minorities, including the targeted killing of Bangladeshi Hindus.
The trigger for the mass protests in Bangladesh has been the long-standing demand to reform the ‘quota system’ in government job recruitment, in particular the 30 percent quota for ‘freedom fighters of 1971 War and their descendants’. The protests started soon after the High Court nullified Sheikh Hasina’s 2018 decision of abolishing the jobs quota. This quota system has been an issue of discontent among students and youth, owing to rampant corruption and partisan distribution of state benefits among the regime-loyalists, in the context of rising unemployment. The brutal repression of dissenting voices only led to solidification of this resentment, over the years. According to prominent economist Fahmida Kahtun, while the official records indicate an unemployment rate of 3.53 per cent, the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics records an unemployment rate at 8 per cent. Overall, 40.67 per cent of educated youth in the country are currently unemployed.
The hubris and popular disconnect of Sheikh Hasina’s regime was on full display when instead of calling the protesting students for dialogue, she unfairly branded them as Razakars and unleashed brutal repression on them. Razakar is a deeply offensive word in Bangladesh, used for those who sided with Pakistani forces in the 1971 war of liberation. As such, it carries the connotation of “traitor” or “anti-national”. This is very similar to the vilification tactics employed by the BJP-led Govt in India against students and dissenting voices. The past decade in India also has seen a massive surge in unemployment, breaking the 45-year record while the government refuses to acknowledge the crisis. Akin to Bangladesh, the Indian Government also lacks a democratic vision and willingness to address the unemployment crisis, amidst deepening poverty and only resorts to clamping down on protesting students and youth.
The factors which led up to the regime’s fall in Bangladesh are the same as those found in other ‘developing’ countries: Capital intensive and export-led growth that does not benefit the vast majority of people, increasing inequality, suppression of democratic rights and undermining of state institutions, and use of repression by state authorities in dealing with people’s protests. As such, the events in Bangladesh hold lessons for regimes in other countries as well.
The downfall of the government in Bangladesh is a culmination of a long process of the Awami League’s loss of political legitimacy, as it prioritised the interests of big businesses over people’s basic needs. Over the last two decades, Bangladesh has posted impressive GDP growth figures, has cornered a large section of the international garment trade market and has witnessed infrastructural growth such as the creation of Dhaka’s metro. However, economic growth was not driven by secure jobs and the secular Awami League compromised with big businesses, effectively undermining the sovereignty of Bangladeshi people. Over time the progressive, cross-class coalition that formed the base of the party declined and crony capitalists found their way into influential positions within the ruling party, making it a top-heavy, authoritarian regime.
Recent times have shown us that no government can survive for long with its dictatorship, if people across the country take to the streets. The earlier example of Sri Lanka and Bangladesh now hold important learnings for democratic movements in the sub-continent and a strong warning to all the anti-people authoritarian and fascist governments, both in South Asia and across the globe.
As we reflect on the significance of the Bangladeshi uprising, it must be stated that the focus has been centred around ‘merit-based employment opportunities’. The movement at this point hasn’t adequately factored in the urgent need for affirmative actions, for the historically and structurally oppressed.
We salute the Bangladeshi people’s struggle, even as we express grave concerns about large-scale violence and arson against Hindus and other religious and ethnic minorities. While certain laudable efforts were made by faith groups, students and youth to contain violence and restore peace in different areas, the cumulative loss of lives and targeting of minorities has been painful.
We call upon the interim government and leaders of the popular movement to ensure that there is no further communal violence and loss of life. Utmost efforts are needed to ensure all citizens of the country are safe in all respects; in particular rights of all minorities and dissenters need to be safeguarded. Accountability needs to be fixed in a time-bound manner for all crimes committed against religious and ethnic minorities in Bangladesh, which includes attack on lives as well as vandalism of minority places of worship and properties. The interim Government must also institute a time-bound, impartial and transparent investigation into all instances of extra-judicial killings, forced disappearances, violence, arbitrary arrests and detentions and take action accordingly.
As with any mass uprising, there are various political strands in the Bangladeshi revolt too. While the students and population at large have remained secular, the presence of fanatical elements must be noted and addressed. The challenge now is to create a socio-economic order and political system that guarantees dignified employment, civil and political rights to all people, including to all minorities.
Behind anti-Hasina regime uprising was 40.67 per cent of unemployed educated youth, accused as traitor, anti-national as in India
Back home in India, we have been witnessing a large-scale misinformation campaign by right-wing establishment media and social media, as well as saffron forces on-ground, painting the entire student, people’s movement of Bangladesh as an ‘anti-Hindu movement’, to whip up anti-minority sentiments here. We condemn such instigation and appeal to people to recognise the misleading propaganda by RSS – BJP as an attempt to foster communal hatred, which to an extent was also neutralized in the recent Lok Sabha elections. We call upon the Government of India to take urgent steps to tackle the malicious spread of false information against the Bangladeshi protestors and make all efforts to ensure communal harmony and the re-establishment of a stable, secular, democratic system in our neighbouring country.
While it may be too early to comment on the new regime in Bangladesh, it needs to be mentioned that the nominated head of the interim government, Prof. Yunus has had a prolonged association with the ‘Washington lobby’. Bangladesh's Grameen Group was also under the scanner for coercive practices, high-interest rates, reinforcing village hierarchies etc in the ‘iconic’ micro-credit business. The popular revolt needs to be seen as a popular vote against authoritarianism by the ordinary people and hence their interests have to be prioritized, and not that of the domestic elites and foreign capitalists. This calls for a paradigm shift in the socio-economic policies and governance, centering the rights and concerns of the large sections of working-class and historically disadvantaged ethnic, religious and gender discriminated minorities. The new regime must work to genuinely strengthen democratic institutions, safeguard ecology, civil liberties and human rights in the nation and ensure greater space for progressive movement leaders of Bangladesh in the governance processes.
The diverse people’s movements of Bangladesh have already put forth numerous crucial demands before the interim government including ensuring fair representation in Parliament to all historically marginalised groups, addressing demands of different marginalised indigenous groups (from Hill tracts and Plain lands), constitutional acknowledgment of the “Adivasi” people, de-militarization of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, fair wages and social security to tea garden, garments factory and other informal sector workers, affordable and accessible education, healthcare, housing, food security and transport, repeal of draconian laws, upholding the right to organize, release of political prisoners, dissolution of RAB and other unconstitutional paramilitary forces etc, enacting anti-discriminatory social justice and gender-just laws, sensitizing the bureaucracy and compensation to all the injured students, martyrs, and citizens, amongst other things.
While the recent spate of protests have been led by students, seeking a fair and equitable reform of the quota system, the uprising also had the active participation of people from diverse ethnicities, classes and genders. Women, indigenous communities and the working-class people from hills and plains also played an important role in the movement. It is in this spirit therefore, that a new, truly democratic and inclusive Bangladesh needs to be nurtured, addressing all the aforementioned demands.
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