Skip to main content

Martyred freedom fighters Ashfaqullah Khan, Ramprasad Bismil exemplify communal amity

 By Bharat Dogra* 
Several stories of courage and firm determination of four martyrs of Kakori case have become an import part of the legends of our freedom movement. This case is regarded as an important event of our freedom movement. All four of these martyrs were hanged to death within four days December 17 to December 20 1927. These four freedom fighters known for their great courage and firm resolve were -- Ramprasad Bismil, Ashfaqullah Khan, Rajendra Nath Lahiri and Roshan Singh.
Ramprasad and Ashfaqullah have also won widespread acclaim for their poetry. Some of their poems were very widely used in the freedom struggle. Several of these poems have stood the test of time and are still a source of courage and devotion to a great cause for many people.
Ram Prasad and Ashfaqullah were very good friends, always willing to undergo great hardships to help each other. Several stories of their friendship have passed into folklore.
The great friendship of Ashfaqullah Khan and Ramprasad Bismil has become a symbol of communal harmony. Just before their martyrdom both of them issued statements calling for Hindu-Muslim unity. In fact Bismil said that this is his last will that Hindi-Muslim unity should be established firmly. Similarly Ashfaqullah appealed to Hindus and Muslims to avoid quarrels and work with unity for the sake of their country.
All the four martyrs conducted themselves with exemplary courage in the middle of great difficulties after their arrest. The dignity and courage of their conduct during their imprisonment made a great impact on people and added further to enhancing the impact of their message of commitment to freedom movement and communal harmony. They remain a source of inspiration right up to this day and will continue to be so for a very long time.
Around the early 1920s Ram Prasad Bismil headed the main group of revolutionaries in Uttar Pradesh (then United Provinces). He was arrested in 1925, and then sentenced to death in a farcical trial.
While he was imprisoned in Gorakhpur Jail, in very difficult conditions he wrote his memoirs. It is said that this text was completed by him just two days before his supreme sacrifice or execution on December 19 1927.
These memoirs were written on register size pages by pencil. Somehow these were smuggled out of the prison in three instalments and kept in the custody of a local congress leader named Darshan Prasad Dwivedi. He in turns arranged to send this to Ganesh Shankar Vidyarthi, leading freedom fighter and Editor of Pratap based in Kanpur, as it was believed that only Vidyarthi had the courage and the ability to get this published soon.
True to the trust reposed in him, Vidyarthi could get the memoirs published along with other tributes to the martyrs of Kakori case (in which Ram Prasad Bismil and three others Ashfaqullah, Roshanlal Thakur and Rajendra Lahri) were given the death sentence.
Banarasi Das Chaturvedi, one of the leading contemporary writers who is particularly known for his writings on freedom fighters, wrote that only one among hundreds of thousands of persons passes through the circumstances through which Ram Prasad Bismil passed. He added that as a result he considers this to be the finest memoir in Hindi.
Here it may be pointed out that Ram Prasad was also a great poet whose poems and songs were very frequently sung by freedom fighters for a long time. He wrote and translated several important books and set up small publication efforts.
Despite this obvious importance of these memoirs, there have not received the attention deserved by them, at least not in recent times.
A particularly important part of the memoirs relates to the conclusions that Ram Prasad draws from his role for several years as an activist and leader of the revolutionary movement. He notes that youth have a lot of attraction towards revolvers and other firearms, and when they are initially armed and participate in 'actions' they are excited and have grand notions of their success in changing the world and bringing a revolution. But when the reality of a long and bitter struggle dawns on them, then it becomes a big challenge to sustain their initial ideals and courage. Not many succeed in this.
Instead of this path he recommends that youths should work among peasants and workers to resist injustice and achieve justice with a longer term vision of such broad-based change. They should prepare themselves for committed educational work (to create a justice and equality based society) over a longer term and only then solid results will be achieved.
In his programme of change he gives a lot of importance to achieving equality for Dalits and for ending the horrible practice of untouchability. Educational work among them is very important, he asserts. He asks - when so many of our own people are being treated as untouchables, how can we achieve freedom in the true sense?
He also gives a lot of importance to improving the status of women. They should neither be humiliated nor regarded as an object of decoration, he asserts. He gives examples of women who played an important place in social change in other countries and pleads for their similar role in India.
In particular Ram Prasad makes a very strong plea to youth to work in villages. He writes that youth who were active in the non-co-operation movement were more seen in high visibility urban areas while the greater need is for grassroots, longer term committed work in villages. He writes that several youth find it difficult and punishing to spend a few days in remote villages.
To ensure longer-term commitment in villages, Ram Prasad calls upon youth to take up small-scale, pioneering, entrepreneurial activities in villages to support their livelihood, and at the same time devote much of their time and effort for wider social and political tasks.
In his memoirs Ram Prasad pleads very strongly for communal harmony and most particularly for Hindu-Muslim unity and harmony. Pointing out to government collusion in promoting communal disturbances, he gives example of how those involved in communal riots were given lower punishments, and these were reduced further later, while even those freedom fighters who took special care to avoid indiscriminate or needless violence were given death sentences.
Pointing to his own legendary friendship with fellow-revolutionary Ashfaqullah Khan (also given death sentence), Ram Prasad points out in his memoirs that when such a devout Muslim can have such an abiding friendship of complete trust with a devout Hindu (like Ram Prasad), then why can't we have Hindu-Muslim unity in the entire country?
---
*Honorary convener, Campaign to Save Earth Now. His recent books include “When the Two Streams Met” (on freedom movement), “Planet in Peril” and “A Day in 2071”

Comments

TRENDING

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on. A soft attitude always creates strong relationships. A relationship should not depend only on spoken words. They should rely on understanding the unspoken feeling too. So w...

राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी: जल जीवन मिशन के लक्ष्य को पाने समन्वित प्रयास जरूरी

- राज कुमार सिन्हा*  जल संसाधन से जुड़ी स्थायी समिति ने वर्तमान लोकसभा सत्र में पेश रिपोर्ट में बताया है कि "नल से जल" मिशन में राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी साबित हुए हैं। जबकि देश के 11 राज्यों में शत-प्रतिशत ग्रामीणों को नल से जल आपूर्ति शुरू कर दी गई है। रिपोर्ट में समिति ने केंद्र सरकार को सिफारिश की है कि मिशन पुरा करने में राज्य सरकारों की समस्याओं पर गौर किया जाए। 

Censor Board's bullying delays 'Phule': A blow to India's democratic spirit

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  A film based on the life and legacy of Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule was expected to release today. Instead, its release has been pushed to the last week of April. The reason? Protests by self-proclaimed guardians of caste pride—certain Brahmin groups—and forced edits demanded by a thoroughly discredited Censor Board.

PUCL files complaint with SC against Gujarat police, municipal authorities for 'unlawful' demolitions, custodial 'violence'

By A Representative   The People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) has lodged a formal complaint with the Chief Justice of India, urging the Supreme Court to initiate suo-moto contempt proceedings against the police and municipal authorities in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The complaint alleges that these officials have engaged in unlawful demolitions and custodial violence, in direct violation of a Supreme Court order issued in November 2024.

Aurangzeb’s last will recorded by his Maulvi: Allah shouldn't make anyone emperor

By Mohan Guruswamy  Aurangzeb’s grave is a simple slab open to the sky lying along the roadside at Khuldabad near Aurangabad. I once stopped by to marvel at the tomb of an Emperor of India whose empire was as large as Ashoka the Great's. It was only post 1857 when Victoria's domain exceeded this. The epitaph reads: "Az tila o nuqreh gar saazand gumbad aghniyaa! Bar mazaar e ghareebaan gumbad e gardun bas ast." (The rich may well construct domes of gold and silver on their graves. For the poor folks like me, the sky is enough to shelter my grave) The modest tomb of Aurangzeb is perhaps the least recognised legacies of the Mughal Emperor who ruled the land for fifty eventful years. He was not a builder having expended his long tenure in war and conquest. Towards the end of his reign and life, he realised the futility of it all. He wrote: "Allah should not make anyone an emperor. The most unfortunate person is he who becomes one." Aurangzeb’s last will was re...

Incarcerated for 2,424 days, Sudhir Dhawale combines Ambedkarism with Marxism

By Harsh Thakor   One of those who faced incarceration both under Congress and BJP rule, Sudhir Dhawale was arrested on June 6, 2018, one of the first six among the 16 people held in what became known as the Elgar Parishad case. After spending 2,424 days in incarceration, he became the ninth to be released from jail—alongside Rona Wilson, who walked free with him on January 24. The Bombay High Court granted them bail, citing the prolonged imprisonment without trial as a key factor. I will always remember the moments we spent together in Mumbai between 1998 and 2006, during public meetings and protests across a wide range of issues. Sudhir was unwavering in his commitment to Maoism, upholding the torch of B.R. Ambedkar, and resisting Brahmanical fascism. He sought to bridge the philosophies of Marxism and Ambedkarism. With boundless energy, he waved the banner of liberation, becoming the backbone of the revolutionary democratic centre in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He dedicated himself ...

Why crucifixion is a comprehensive message of political journey for the liberation of the oppressed

By Vijayan MJ  Passion week is that time of the year when Christians all over the world remind themselves about the sufferings, anguish, pain and the bloody crucifixion that Jesus Christ took on himself, as part of his mission of emancipating the people and establishing the kingdom of god. The crucifixion was not just a great symbolism of the personal sacrifice of one person, but it was a comprehensive messaging of a political journey for the liberation of the oppressed; one filled with struggle, militancy, celebration of life, rejection of temptations, betrayals, grief, the long-walk with the cross, crucifixion and ultimately resurrection as a symbol of victory over the oppressors and evil. 

CPM’s evaluation of BJP reflects its political character and its reluctance to take on battle against neo-fascism

By Harsh Thakor*  A controversial debate has emerged in the revolutionary camp regarding the Communist Party of India (Marxist)'s categorization of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Many Communists criticize the CPM’s reluctance to label the BJP as a fascist party and India as a fascist state. Various factors must be considered to arrive at an accurate assessment. Understanding the original meaning and historical development of fascism is essential, as well as analyzing how it manifests in the present global and national context.

Akhilesh Yadav’s boycott of Dainik Jagran: A step towards accountability or political rhetoric?

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat  Akhilesh Yadav has called for a total boycott of Dainik Jagran, a newspaper owned by the Gupta family. He also declared that the Samajwadi Party will no longer participate in any panel discussions organized by a media channel allegedly controlled by the family or relatives of the omnipresent Rajiv Shukla. Akhilesh Yadav and the Samajwadi Party are well aware that Dainik Jagran has long been antagonistic to Dalit-Bahujan interests. The newspaper represents a Bania-Brahmin corporate and ideological enterprise.

Implications of deaths of Maoist leaders G. Renuka and Ankeshwarapu Sarayya in Chhattisgarh

By Harsh Thakor*  In the wake of recent security operations in southern Chhattisgarh, two senior Maoist leaders, G. Renuka and Ankeshwarapu Sarayya, were killed. These operations, which took place amidst a historically significant Maoist presence, resulted in the deaths of 31 individuals on March 20th and 16 more three days prior.