Skip to main content

Anti-Hindu, Hindu phobic? Why Google talk to mark Dalit Equality Month got cancelled

 By Subhash Gatade 
On May 9, 1916, a young BR Ambedkar presented a paper at Colombia University in the United States titled Castes in India: Their Mechanism, Genesis and Development. He referred to caste as a “local problem, but one capable of much wider mischief”. He wrote, “...if Hindus migrate to other regions on earth, Indian caste would become a world problem.”
More than a century later, as one of the biggest corporations, Google, battles allegations of caste discrimination in the United States, the predictive value of Ambedkar’s words is evident. Recently, Google News cancelled a scheduled talk by Thenmozhi Soundararajan, the founder and executive director of Equality Labs, after many Google employees (of Indian origin or Indians) opposed it. The discussion was supposed to mark Dalit Equality Month, celebrated every April to mark the month Ambedkar, the first law minister of independent India and its leading anti-caste activist, was born. Equality Labs is a leading non-profit group in the United States that advocates Dalit rights. According to its 2016 survey, a third of Hindu students in the United States reported experiencing caste discrimination.
Thenmozhi was subjected to an organised campaign led by a section of Google employees, who called her “Hindu-phobic” and “anti-Hindu”. The name-calling went on in emails her opponents sent to company bosses and documents they posted on a mailing list that thousands of Indian employees access.
Instances of caste discrimination are rising in the 1.5 million-strong Indian community, which likes to call itself a “model minority” but has fewer than 1.5% Dalits, according to an oft-cited 2003 study by the Center for the Advanced Study of India in the University of Pennsylvania. It would seem that American companies can no longer gloss over these representation, inclusion, and exclusion concerns. However, the Google employees who campaigned against Thenmozhi’s talk do not seem to notice the winds of change.
Thenmozhi and her organisation consistently raised a voice against the exclusion and discrimination of Dalits in the United States. She has brought attention to fissures within the Indian Hindu community in a struggle to correct the iniquities that caste breeds. During the Black Lives Matter protests sparked by the killing of George Floyd, tech companies were encouraged to organise conversations on caste with their employees. At the time, Thenmozhi was invited to speak at meetings organised by Microsoft, Salesforce, Airbnb, Netflix and Adobe. But this, too, does not seem to matter to Google employees who opposed her talk. Those who did care, such as Tanuja Gupta, who organised the discussion by Thenmozhi, have had to resign.
The Google episode is not the first time Hindutva organisations and conservative Hindu groups have locked horns with Equality Labs and other defenders of Dalit rights in the United States. Bringing up the discrimination Dalit Americans face in places of work or trying to reform school curriculums to reflect the reality of caste has always sparked their anger.
However, the efforts of anti-caste and anti-discriminations groups that take up the cause of Indian Americans are bearing fruit. Of late, The Washington Post noted critically of Google that the diaspora is fuelling the “Hindu nationalist movement”, which has “arrived inside Google”. Other American media houses are slowly upping their awareness of caste and consequent discrimination issues. Besides, corporate giants in the United States are being called out for their exclusion of Dalit employees. Such attention puts a spanner in the dream of the Hindu right to project pan-Hindu unity at the cost of those systematically excluded by caste.
Google CEO Sundar Pichai—who is of Indian origin and presumably well-versed in what caste discrimination entails—has remained silent as developments in his company unfold. Thenmozhi had directly approached him to intervene as employees campaigned against her but to no effect. Pichai’s silence is galling, for the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movements had prompted leading tech companies, including Google, to address race issues. Even at the time, Pichai and Google were criticised for ignoring caste and embracing BLM for optics.
Now, Pichai’s failure to take a stand on caste sends the impression that Google News has no qualms about bias -- other than raising questions about his socio-political position.
Some years ago, a Dalit employee at Cisco Systems, another tech giant, had raised discrimination by two senior managers, members of dominant castes in the traditional Hindu hierarchy. According to the employee, the company had unearthed evidence of being denied a raise and facing exclusion from priority tasks, which the allegedly company suppressed. Dalit and human rights groups campaigned for the employee and a civil rights case was registered in California. The case is being heard in the courts.
An adverse verdict in this matter would hurt Cisco’s image as an employer and undoubtedly involve compensating the aggrieved employee, other than action against the two “upper” caste managers. However, it would also set a much-needed legal precedent in the United States against caste-based discrimination. Further, a verdict favouring the employee would prove the vacuousness of the “Hindu unity” cause that the Hindutva groups are peddling. It would be a tremendous relief to the employees silently battling caste without institutional assistance or acknowledgement.
The present case has polarised organisations such as Equality Labs and the Ambedkar International Centre, a civil rights body in the United States, against the Hindutva or Hindu groups, who wish to dilute such complaints or distract from the issues they raise.
Caste discrimination is rising in 1.5 million-strong Indian diaspora, which calls itself model minority, but has just 1.5% Dalits
However, it is an opportune moment to legitimise anti-caste movements and stop stigmatising those like Thenmozhi who struggle for Dalit dignity in the United States. Silencing discussion around caste or name-calling those opening up conversations about it is akin to white supremacists opposing critical race theory in American schools and colleges. 
They call it reopening old wounds that will hurt the psyche of young students and ensured such classes are excluded from the curriculum in many States: just as the Hindu right opposes the inclusion of caste in school courses. However, caste and race are live issues and far from settled. In California, where the school curriculum is reviewed every ten years, the possibility that caste would be taught and discussed is genuine.
In 2005, there was a commotion over caste as petitions from human rights groups and counter-petitions from Hindutva supremacist groups struggled for its inclusion and exclusion (respectively). The rights groups won that debate, sort of, but by 2015, the discourse peddled by so-called spiritual-cultural organisations started to gain the upper hand. 
Conservative Hindu American Foundation (HAF), a non-profit with roots in the World Hindu Council America, pushed through the dilution or erasure of caste from syllabi. It also watered down the significant role caste plays in Hindu societies and erased Dalit, Muslim, Sikh and Christian histories in textbooks. 
However, earlier this year, caste was included in the entire California State system as a ground in its non-discrimination policy. This means that the biggest public university system in the United States, with 500,000-odd students on 23 campuses, now will address caste bias. Indeed, the California State school syllabus is not as egalitarian as it can be. It sanitises caste concerns, but such changes show that the resistance is also growing.
What is happening in the United States is a battle of ideas, where substantive issues of justice and equality are battling phoney notions of unity that push social fissures under the carpet. This battle is opening up new vistas to discuss and end caste discrimination decisively.
---
Distributed by Dalit Media Watch, this article was first published in Newsclick

Comments

TRENDING

राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी: जल जीवन मिशन के लक्ष्य को पाने समन्वित प्रयास जरूरी

- राज कुमार सिन्हा*  जल संसाधन से जुड़ी स्थायी समिति ने वर्तमान लोकसभा सत्र में पेश रिपोर्ट में बताया है कि "नल से जल" मिशन में राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी साबित हुए हैं। जबकि देश के 11 राज्यों में शत-प्रतिशत ग्रामीणों को नल से जल आपूर्ति शुरू कर दी गई है। रिपोर्ट में समिति ने केंद्र सरकार को सिफारिश की है कि मिशन पुरा करने में राज्य सरकारों की समस्याओं पर गौर किया जाए। 

Beyond his riding skill, Karl Umrigar was admired for his radiance, sportsmanship, and affability

By Harsh Thakor*  Karl Umrigar's name remains etched in the annals of Indian horse racing, a testament to a talent tragically cut short. An accident on the racetrack at the tender age of nineteen robbed India of a rider on the cusp of greatness. Had he survived, there's little doubt he would have ascended to international stature, possibly becoming the greatest Indian jockey ever. Even 46 years after his death, his name shines brightly, reminiscent of an inextinguishable star. His cousin, Pesi Shroff, himself blossomed into one of the most celebrated jockeys in Indian horse racing.

Aurangzeb’s last will recorded by his Maulvi: Allah shouldn't make anyone emperor

By Mohan Guruswamy  Aurangzeb’s grave is a simple slab open to the sky lying along the roadside at Khuldabad near Aurangabad. I once stopped by to marvel at the tomb of an Emperor of India whose empire was as large as Ashoka the Great's. It was only post 1857 when Victoria's domain exceeded this. The epitaph reads: "Az tila o nuqreh gar saazand gumbad aghniyaa! Bar mazaar e ghareebaan gumbad e gardun bas ast." (The rich may well construct domes of gold and silver on their graves. For the poor folks like me, the sky is enough to shelter my grave) The modest tomb of Aurangzeb is perhaps the least recognised legacies of the Mughal Emperor who ruled the land for fifty eventful years. He was not a builder having expended his long tenure in war and conquest. Towards the end of his reign and life, he realised the futility of it all. He wrote: "Allah should not make anyone an emperor. The most unfortunate person is he who becomes one." Aurangzeb’s last will was re...

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on. A soft attitude always creates strong relationships. A relationship should not depend only on spoken words. They should rely on understanding the unspoken feeling too. So w...

PUCL files complaint with SC against Gujarat police, municipal authorities for 'unlawful' demolitions, custodial 'violence'

By A Representative   The People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) has lodged a formal complaint with the Chief Justice of India, urging the Supreme Court to initiate suo-moto contempt proceedings against the police and municipal authorities in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The complaint alleges that these officials have engaged in unlawful demolitions and custodial violence, in direct violation of a Supreme Court order issued in November 2024.

Incarcerated for 2,424 days, Sudhir Dhawale combines Ambedkarism with Marxism

By Harsh Thakor   One of those who faced incarceration both under Congress and BJP rule, Sudhir Dhawale was arrested on June 6, 2018, one of the first six among the 16 people held in what became known as the Elgar Parishad case. After spending 2,424 days in incarceration, he became the ninth to be released from jail—alongside Rona Wilson, who walked free with him on January 24. The Bombay High Court granted them bail, citing the prolonged imprisonment without trial as a key factor. I will always remember the moments we spent together in Mumbai between 1998 and 2006, during public meetings and protests across a wide range of issues. Sudhir was unwavering in his commitment to Maoism, upholding the torch of B.R. Ambedkar, and resisting Brahmanical fascism. He sought to bridge the philosophies of Marxism and Ambedkarism. With boundless energy, he waved the banner of liberation, becoming the backbone of the revolutionary democratic centre in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He dedicated himself ...

Censor Board's bullying delays 'Phule': A blow to India's democratic spirit

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  A film based on the life and legacy of Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule was expected to release today. Instead, its release has been pushed to the last week of April. The reason? Protests by self-proclaimed guardians of caste pride—certain Brahmin groups—and forced edits demanded by a thoroughly discredited Censor Board.

State Human Rights Commission directs authorities to uphold environmental rights in Vadodara's Vishwamitri River Project

By A Representative  The Gujarat State Human Rights Commission (GSHRC) has ordered state and Vadodara municipal authorities to strictly comply with environmental and human rights safeguards during the Vishwamitri River Rejuvenation Project, stressing that the river’s degradation disproportionately affects marginalized communities and violates citizens’ rights to a healthy environment.  The Commission mandated an immediate halt to ecologically destructive practices, rehabilitation of affected communities, transparent adherence to National Green Tribunal (NGT) orders, and public consultations with experts and residents.   The order follows the Concerned Citizens of Vadodara coalition—environmentalists, ecologists, and urban planners—submitting a detailed letter to authorities, amplifying calls for accountability. The group warned that current plans to “re-section” and “desilt” the river contradict the NGT’s 2021 Vishwamitri River Action Plan, which prioritizes floodpla...

CPM’s evaluation of BJP reflects its political character and its reluctance to take on battle against neo-fascism

By Harsh Thakor*  A controversial debate has emerged in the revolutionary camp regarding the Communist Party of India (Marxist)'s categorization of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Many Communists criticize the CPM’s reluctance to label the BJP as a fascist party and India as a fascist state. Various factors must be considered to arrive at an accurate assessment. Understanding the original meaning and historical development of fascism is essential, as well as analyzing how it manifests in the present global and national context.

Implications of deaths of Maoist leaders G. Renuka and Ankeshwarapu Sarayya in Chhattisgarh

By Harsh Thakor*  In the wake of recent security operations in southern Chhattisgarh, two senior Maoist leaders, G. Renuka and Ankeshwarapu Sarayya, were killed. These operations, which took place amidst a historically significant Maoist presence, resulted in the deaths of 31 individuals on March 20th and 16 more three days prior.