Skip to main content

Demise of Ayushman Bharat? Why healthcare privatization is no solution amidst Covid

By Sanjib Pohit* 

No doubt, the pandemic has exposed the fragility of India’s health sector. The shortage of doctors, hospital beds, ventilators, oxygen, medicine etc. is the stark reality of the day. The story is true across all over India. Incidentally, none of the metros have stood apart in this pandemic disaster even though health infrastructure is quite well developed in metros than small towns. 
Frankly speaking, few of us are aware of the ground realities in peri-urban/small towns as India media hardly covers them in their stories as most of their clientele are located in metros/urban India. Unlike in west, very few papers are published from small towns.
In recent years, the health sector reform in the Indian context has basically given push for bigger role for the private health sector provider to curb out inefficiencies in the government health systems. In earlier times, the under privileged used to go to public hospital for medical care. However, this trend has now been reversed. 
While the privatisation of the health sector has been going on since quite some time, it got a big push with the introduction of Ayushman Bharat, a flagship scheme of Government of India, to achieve the vision of Universal Health Coverage (UHC). This initiative has been designed to meet Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and its underlining commitment, which is to "leave no one behind”.
Ayushman Bharat has adopted a continuum of care approach, comprising of two inter-related components, which are (a) Health and Wellness Centres (HWCs) and (b) Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY). HWCs basically involved in transforming the existing Sub Centres and Primary Health Centres. These centres are supposed to deliver Comprehensive Primary Health Care (CPHC) bringing healthcare closer to the homes of people. They cover both, maternal and child health services and non-communicable diseases, including free essential drugs and diagnostic services.
On the other hand, PM-JAY was launched in 2018 as the largest health assurance scheme in the world which aims at providing a health cover of Rs 5 lakh per family per year for secondary and tertiary care hospitalization to over 10.74 crore poor and vulnerable families (approximately 50 crore beneficiaries) that form the bottom 40% of the Indian population. 
The scheme provides cashless and paperless access to services at the point of care. Till January, as per the provisional report, over 40,000 beneficiaries were treated for covid-19 under the scheme. Also, over 400,000 diagnostics tests for covid-19 were performed.
However, when the pandemic struck in India, and continued for more than a year, we observe that privatisation by itself did not lead to capacity augmentation in the domain where it is the need of the hour. All over India, the government/army has to step in for human well-beings. The access to insurance does not automatically lead to access to health facility even in urban India. If in the end the government has to step in, what is the point of this privatisation push? Or, are we overlooking crucial issues in health eco-system?
Firstly, the private health service provider is purely governed by profit motive. They are more inclined to invest in capacity augmentation where there is chronic demand and profit per person is high. By the same logic, they would not like to increase their capacity of beds with ventilator support significantly as these asset will not be in demand when pandemic is over. For this reason, even though private health service provider have got a year time to increase their capacity of Covid related treatment, they did not invest on same. 
Also, as many of the State governments have capped the rate on Covid related treatment, private health service provider have limited leverage to spike their charges on Covid treatment. Thus, private health service provider has played safe: it is best not to build up health assets which are primarily used for Covid treatment.
If in the end government has to step in, what is the point of privatisation push? Are we overlooking crucial issues in health eco-system?
Secondly, how does the profit per patient in case of Covid treatment stands vis-a vis other diseases? This is the other yard stick which private health service provider takes into account while deploying resources for augmenting health infrastructure. Of course, profit numbers are hard to obtain. We are thus tempted to draw our inferences based on cost numbers which are publicly available.
Typically, on an average, 10 days treatment cost of a normal Covid-19 carrier with ICU ventilators ranges between 1 lakh to 3 lakh depending on the States and capping of expenditure in private hospital by state governments. Of course, the treatment in most patients continue on an average for 14 days. By contrast, the treatment cost in India of cancer treatment can go upwards of ₹10 lakh, for heart ailment, the expenses can easily reach ₹3-5 lakh or even more.
On the other hand, a kidney transplant costs around Rs 7 lakh whereas dialysis can cost you anywhere between Rs. 18,000-20,000 per session. Moreover, the cost can go up to Rs 20-30 lakh if you choose to take treatment at reputed private hospitals. And in case one chooses to go for a Robotic surgery – which is becoming quite popular in India – the cost of treatment may further increases by Rs 5-7 Lakh.
Moreover, the private health service providers are not at all regulated in their costing structure in these diseases unlike in case of Covid treatment. Thus, it make sense for them to invest their resources for capacity augmentation in these diseases than solely for Covid related infrastructure (ventilators, etc.) which may be of little use once the Covid phase is over.
In sum, insurance-led private health care is not a remedy in times of pandemic and especially if the treatment cost is not in par with other critical diseases. This is very true even in case of metros. May be the government need to have rethink on the health policy and the role of government in the same.
---
*With National Council of Applied Economic Research, New Delhi. Views are personal

Comments

TRENDING

राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी: जल जीवन मिशन के लक्ष्य को पाने समन्वित प्रयास जरूरी

- राज कुमार सिन्हा*  जल संसाधन से जुड़ी स्थायी समिति ने वर्तमान लोकसभा सत्र में पेश रिपोर्ट में बताया है कि "नल से जल" मिशन में राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी साबित हुए हैं। जबकि देश के 11 राज्यों में शत-प्रतिशत ग्रामीणों को नल से जल आपूर्ति शुरू कर दी गई है। रिपोर्ट में समिति ने केंद्र सरकार को सिफारिश की है कि मिशन पुरा करने में राज्य सरकारों की समस्याओं पर गौर किया जाए। 

Beyond his riding skill, Karl Umrigar was admired for his radiance, sportsmanship, and affability

By Harsh Thakor*  Karl Umrigar's name remains etched in the annals of Indian horse racing, a testament to a talent tragically cut short. An accident on the racetrack at the tender age of nineteen robbed India of a rider on the cusp of greatness. Had he survived, there's little doubt he would have ascended to international stature, possibly becoming the greatest Indian jockey ever. Even 46 years after his death, his name shines brightly, reminiscent of an inextinguishable star. His cousin, Pesi Shroff, himself blossomed into one of the most celebrated jockeys in Indian horse racing.

Aurangzeb’s last will recorded by his Maulvi: Allah shouldn't make anyone emperor

By Mohan Guruswamy  Aurangzeb’s grave is a simple slab open to the sky lying along the roadside at Khuldabad near Aurangabad. I once stopped by to marvel at the tomb of an Emperor of India whose empire was as large as Ashoka the Great's. It was only post 1857 when Victoria's domain exceeded this. The epitaph reads: "Az tila o nuqreh gar saazand gumbad aghniyaa! Bar mazaar e ghareebaan gumbad e gardun bas ast." (The rich may well construct domes of gold and silver on their graves. For the poor folks like me, the sky is enough to shelter my grave) The modest tomb of Aurangzeb is perhaps the least recognised legacies of the Mughal Emperor who ruled the land for fifty eventful years. He was not a builder having expended his long tenure in war and conquest. Towards the end of his reign and life, he realised the futility of it all. He wrote: "Allah should not make anyone an emperor. The most unfortunate person is he who becomes one." Aurangzeb’s last will was re...

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on. A soft attitude always creates strong relationships. A relationship should not depend only on spoken words. They should rely on understanding the unspoken feeling too. So w...

PUCL files complaint with SC against Gujarat police, municipal authorities for 'unlawful' demolitions, custodial 'violence'

By A Representative   The People's Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL) has lodged a formal complaint with the Chief Justice of India, urging the Supreme Court to initiate suo-moto contempt proceedings against the police and municipal authorities in Ahmedabad, Gujarat. The complaint alleges that these officials have engaged in unlawful demolitions and custodial violence, in direct violation of a Supreme Court order issued in November 2024.

Incarcerated for 2,424 days, Sudhir Dhawale combines Ambedkarism with Marxism

By Harsh Thakor   One of those who faced incarceration both under Congress and BJP rule, Sudhir Dhawale was arrested on June 6, 2018, one of the first six among the 16 people held in what became known as the Elgar Parishad case. After spending 2,424 days in incarceration, he became the ninth to be released from jail—alongside Rona Wilson, who walked free with him on January 24. The Bombay High Court granted them bail, citing the prolonged imprisonment without trial as a key factor. I will always remember the moments we spent together in Mumbai between 1998 and 2006, during public meetings and protests across a wide range of issues. Sudhir was unwavering in his commitment to Maoism, upholding the torch of B.R. Ambedkar, and resisting Brahmanical fascism. He sought to bridge the philosophies of Marxism and Ambedkarism. With boundless energy, he waved the banner of liberation, becoming the backbone of the revolutionary democratic centre in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He dedicated himself ...

Censor Board's bullying delays 'Phule': A blow to India's democratic spirit

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  A film based on the life and legacy of Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule was expected to release today. Instead, its release has been pushed to the last week of April. The reason? Protests by self-proclaimed guardians of caste pride—certain Brahmin groups—and forced edits demanded by a thoroughly discredited Censor Board.

State Human Rights Commission directs authorities to uphold environmental rights in Vadodara's Vishwamitri River Project

By A Representative  The Gujarat State Human Rights Commission (GSHRC) has ordered state and Vadodara municipal authorities to strictly comply with environmental and human rights safeguards during the Vishwamitri River Rejuvenation Project, stressing that the river’s degradation disproportionately affects marginalized communities and violates citizens’ rights to a healthy environment.  The Commission mandated an immediate halt to ecologically destructive practices, rehabilitation of affected communities, transparent adherence to National Green Tribunal (NGT) orders, and public consultations with experts and residents.   The order follows the Concerned Citizens of Vadodara coalition—environmentalists, ecologists, and urban planners—submitting a detailed letter to authorities, amplifying calls for accountability. The group warned that current plans to “re-section” and “desilt” the river contradict the NGT’s 2021 Vishwamitri River Action Plan, which prioritizes floodpla...

CPM’s evaluation of BJP reflects its political character and its reluctance to take on battle against neo-fascism

By Harsh Thakor*  A controversial debate has emerged in the revolutionary camp regarding the Communist Party of India (Marxist)'s categorization of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Many Communists criticize the CPM’s reluctance to label the BJP as a fascist party and India as a fascist state. Various factors must be considered to arrive at an accurate assessment. Understanding the original meaning and historical development of fascism is essential, as well as analyzing how it manifests in the present global and national context.

Haven't done a good deed, inner soul is cursing me as sinner: Aurangzeb's last 'will'

Counterview Desk The Tomb of Aurangzeb, the last of the strong Mughal emperors, located in Khuldabad, Aurangabad district, Maharashtra, has this epitaph inscribed on it: "Az tila o nuqreh gar saazand gumbad aghniyaa! Bar mazaar e maa ghareebaan gumbad e gardun bas ast" (the rich may well construct domes of gold and silver on their graves. For the poor folks like me, the sky is enough to shelter my grave).