Skip to main content

Rural poverty a result of misguided projects impairing local ecology


By Moin Qazi*
India has long been a testing ground for several western products, particularly in agriculture and medicine—making the most of loose regulations and genetic diversity of a huge population. It is done to help cut research costs dramatically for lucrative products to be sold in the West. The relationship is highly exploitative and many believe it represents a new colonialism.
Encouraging vulnerable and poor people to take risks raises ethical questions. Especially when it is they, and not the outsider, who will pay the price of failure. A painstaking reflection of such interventions needs to be demanded. New agricultural practices are being propagated with enticements of extravagant promises. By manipulating the choices of consumers at the low-income pyramid, they are being disempowered. The damage to the economy and ecology of these already fragile societies is now starkly visible.
In their book “Poor Economics”, development economists Esther Duflo and Abhijit Banerjee list hundreds of “common sense” development projects—crop insurance, food aid, microcredit—that either don’t help poor people or make them poorer. Many of the serious problems of farmers and the rural poor are largely a result of our misguided projects that have severely impaired the local ecology, leading to soil degradation, acute shortage of water, and resistant pests. Monsanto’s hybrid seeds are just one of many such cases.
The social impact and life-improving technologies provide abundant affordable products like solar lanterns, non-electric water filters, and smoke-reducing stoves, but often the greater challenge is servicing them in a systematic and scalable way. There could be a rock-star engineer from a top university who might have invented the sexiest gadget for use in villages; however, they don’t have ecosystems for immediate local servicing of failed products. For a rural customer, a broken product isn’t as devastating as no one coming to replace or help with it.
Jatropha cultivation was the new bandwagon wherein the Cinderella plant was promised to deliver gold out of barren lands. An entire generation of development literature proliferated with tall promises of wealth out of waste. Today Jatropha cultivation has become a discredited practice and in areas like Chhattisgarh, there has been a huge backlash from the tribals who feel they have been cheated and their habitat has surfed damage. The loss is in terms of “ecosystem service value”—the economic value derived from agricultural products, fresh water, clean air, and fertile soils. It has also jeopardized the livelihoods of millions of tribals who depend on forests and natural resources.
A similar monumental failure of alternative energy model was the disastrous end to the National Biogas Plan of India. In what was termed a revolutionary idea that would transform India’s hinterland, huge targets were allocated for the installation of biogas plants and soft loans were doled out like hot snacks. No effort was made to train masons or create a pool of service agents to ensure proper construction and maintenance. The entire program proved to be a financial tsunami for poor villagers who were left with a legacy of unpaid loans and branded as defaulters.
The loans were written off, but in accordance with the banking norms, the borrowers were no longer entitled to any new loans as they fell into the category of defaulters. They had to pay the penalty for the over-enthusiasm of the staff of development machinery whose promotions were directly linked to the achievement of targets. The National Biogas Plan is the most glaring example of how a top-down approach can play havoc with the life of people whose lot it proposes to improve.
I remember a village called Visakha in remote Gadchiroli district where all households falling within an eponymous Gram Panchayat (comprising about 5 villages) were covered under the programme. There was a recommendation at our zonal headquarter in Nagpur that the concerned development officer should be publicly felicitated. The proposal was almost carried through when a senior officer with vast experience in grassroots programmes strongly insisted that all such recognitions must wait for two years so that a dispassionate evaluation is possible. And after two years, the ghost of national biogas plan was haunting the villages like the spectre of drought that sucked hundreds of farmers in its vortex of mass suicides.
In one of the banks in Chandrapur, hundreds of loans were written off as if a mountain of rotten potatoes was ploughed just to clean the balance sheet and get rid of the toxic assets. In chasing targets, the quality of lending was completely undermined. Working for the poor does not mean indiscriminately thrusting money down their throats. Unfortunately, the world’s largest poverty alleviating programme—the Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) did precisely that. The abiding legacy of the programme for India’s poor has been that millions have become bank defaulters for no fault of their own. Today, they find it impossible to rejoin the formal credit sector.
“The authorities seldom study the likely impact of their programmes on the villagers. They never even look at their real needs. They show little concern for the poor,” would say the village sarpanch. “The officials just have to fulfil targets: So many loans given out, so many beneficiaries.” How did it help Manik? The flawed planning that had landed Manik in a debt pool set the local economy tottering on the brink.
A borrower who has defaulted on a loan becomes financially untouchable to the bank. The ripple effect of the default status is still worse. Apart from the borrower, the entire family is deprived of the chance of accessing the formal financial system. Some banks have stretched the definition to include families of those who had stood as a guarantor for the defaulting borrowers. The word “default” is a highly disputed term in the banking lexicon. Even the distinction between a willful defaulter and a bonafide defaulter is so blurred that the banks can use their interpretative acumen to use the way it suits them.
Since the participants in these experiments are often poor, ill-educated and unable to read and write, they have little possibility of redress. Development experts must have the humility to accept a fault when it becomes convincingly clear that the logic behind a particular strategy is flawed; unreasonable risk in innovation can sometimes have serious consequences for the poor. Poor households live by the edge; they do not have financial surpluses to experiment with any new programme or innovation.
They are a good subject for donor-funded research studies; development practitioners should exercise great caution in introducing and marketing financial services or agricultural inputs for this class. We must realise that the poor have already paid a great price for development projects. What has been done cannot be undone. The Monsanto evolution has been cited by many experts as the prime driver of farmer suicides.
When conventional wisdom fails and its predictions turn out to be ridiculous and when hopes become cruel illusions, respectable people do not, as a rule, hold up their hands and admit their mistakes. They cannot accept a loss of face and the subsequent denudation of their privileged positions.
However, the point to bear in mind is the nature of the beast. Even the most meticulous and conscientious managers will make mistakes. No one is error-proof. In case of the bonafide bloomer, big or small, we must be open. The first instinct of managers is to try and cover up, pretend it never happened and hope it will go undetected. If you have made a mistake, acknowledge it. However, if you are defiant and unapologetic, you are in big trouble. Remember credibility is like virginity; it can be lost only once.
*Development expert

Comments

TRENDING

How the slogan Jai Bhim gained momentum as movement of popularity and revolution

By Dr Kapilendra Das*  India is an incomprehensible plural country loaded with diversities of religions, castes, cultures, languages, dialects, tribes, societies, costumes, etc. The Indians have good manners/etiquette (decent social conduct, gesture, courtesy, politeness) that build healthy relationships and take them ahead to life. In many parts of India, in many situations, and on formal occasions, it is common for people of India to express and exchange respect, greetings, and salutation for which we people usually use words and phrases like- Namaskar, Namaste, Pranam, Ram Ram, Jai Ram ji, Jai Sriram, Good morning, shubha sakal, Radhe Radhe, Jai Bajarangabali, Jai Gopal, Jai Jai, Supravat, Good night, Shuvaratri, Jai Bhole, Salaam walekam, Walekam salaam, Radhaswami, Namo Buddhaya, Jai Bhim, Hello, and so on. A soft attitude always creates strong relationships. A relationship should not depend only on spoken words. They should rely on understanding the unspoken feeling too. So w...

राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी: जल जीवन मिशन के लक्ष्य को पाने समन्वित प्रयास जरूरी

- राज कुमार सिन्हा*  जल संसाधन से जुड़ी स्थायी समिति ने वर्तमान लोकसभा सत्र में पेश रिपोर्ट में बताया है कि "नल से जल" मिशन में राजस्थान, मध्यप्रदेश, पश्चिम बंगाल, झारखंड और केरल फिसड्डी साबित हुए हैं। जबकि देश के 11 राज्यों में शत-प्रतिशत ग्रामीणों को नल से जल आपूर्ति शुरू कर दी गई है। रिपोर्ट में समिति ने केंद्र सरकार को सिफारिश की है कि मिशन पुरा करने में राज्य सरकारों की समस्याओं पर गौर किया जाए। 

Censor Board's bullying delays 'Phule': A blow to India's democratic spirit

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat*  A film based on the life and legacy of Jyotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule was expected to release today. Instead, its release has been pushed to the last week of April. The reason? Protests by self-proclaimed guardians of caste pride—certain Brahmin groups—and forced edits demanded by a thoroughly discredited Censor Board.

CASR urges immediate halt to Operation Kagaar, calls for peace talks with Maoists

By A Representative   The Campaign Against State Repression (CASR), a collective of over 40 civil society organizations, has issued a press statement demanding an immediate end to "Operation Kagaar" and alleged state-led killings of Maoist rebels and indigenous people in central India. The group also called on the central government to create a conducive environment for initiating peace talks with the banned Communist Party of India (Maoist).

Maoist call for peace talks: A democratic opening amidst state repression?

By Harsh Thakor*  The readiness of the CPI (Maoist), a banned organisation, for peace talks is seen as signifying a democratic gesture that should be welcomed by all who uphold democratic values. The ongoing conflict under ‘Operation Kagaar’ in Central India represents a clash between alleged state aggression and self-defence by oppressed communities. Critics argue that the Indian government has violated constitutional principles by promoting corporate expansion in Adivasi regions under the pretext of development, endangering the lives and livelihoods of local populations.

Incarcerated for 2,424 days, Sudhir Dhawale combines Ambedkarism with Marxism

By Harsh Thakor   One of those who faced incarceration both under Congress and BJP rule, Sudhir Dhawale was arrested on June 6, 2018, one of the first six among the 16 people held in what became known as the Elgar Parishad case. After spending 2,424 days in incarceration, he became the ninth to be released from jail—alongside Rona Wilson, who walked free with him on January 24. The Bombay High Court granted them bail, citing the prolonged imprisonment without trial as a key factor. I will always remember the moments we spent together in Mumbai between 1998 and 2006, during public meetings and protests across a wide range of issues. Sudhir was unwavering in his commitment to Maoism, upholding the torch of B.R. Ambedkar, and resisting Brahmanical fascism. He sought to bridge the philosophies of Marxism and Ambedkarism. With boundless energy, he waved the banner of liberation, becoming the backbone of the revolutionary democratic centre in Mumbai and Maharashtra. He dedicated himself ...

Why crucifixion is a comprehensive message of political journey for the liberation of the oppressed

By Vijayan MJ  Passion week is that time of the year when Christians all over the world remind themselves about the sufferings, anguish, pain and the bloody crucifixion that Jesus Christ took on himself, as part of his mission of emancipating the people and establishing the kingdom of god. The crucifixion was not just a great symbolism of the personal sacrifice of one person, but it was a comprehensive messaging of a political journey for the liberation of the oppressed; one filled with struggle, militancy, celebration of life, rejection of temptations, betrayals, grief, the long-walk with the cross, crucifixion and ultimately resurrection as a symbol of victory over the oppressors and evil. 

How Mumbai University crumbles: Not just its buildings

By Rosamma Thomas*  In recent days, the news from the University of Mumbai has been far from inspiring – clumps of plaster have fallen off the ceiling at the CD Deshmukh Bhavan, and it was good fortune that no one was injured; creepy crawlies were found in the water dispenser that students use to collect drinking water, and timely warning videos circulated by vigilant students have kept people safe so far.

CPM’s evaluation of BJP reflects its political character and its reluctance to take on battle against neo-fascism

By Harsh Thakor*  A controversial debate has emerged in the revolutionary camp regarding the Communist Party of India (Marxist)'s categorization of the Bharatiya Janata Party. Many Communists criticize the CPM’s reluctance to label the BJP as a fascist party and India as a fascist state. Various factors must be considered to arrive at an accurate assessment. Understanding the original meaning and historical development of fascism is essential, as well as analyzing how it manifests in the present global and national context.

Akhilesh Yadav’s boycott of Dainik Jagran: A step towards accountability or political rhetoric?

By Vidya Bhushan Rawat  Akhilesh Yadav has called for a total boycott of Dainik Jagran, a newspaper owned by the Gupta family. He also declared that the Samajwadi Party will no longer participate in any panel discussions organized by a media channel allegedly controlled by the family or relatives of the omnipresent Rajiv Shukla. Akhilesh Yadav and the Samajwadi Party are well aware that Dainik Jagran has long been antagonistic to Dalit-Bahujan interests. The newspaper represents a Bania-Brahmin corporate and ideological enterprise.